国号

「高句丽」一词最早见于《前汉书*地理志》：「玄菟、乐浪，武帝时置，皆朝鲜、濊貉、（高）句骊蛮夷。」据《后汉书*东夷传》记载，汉武帝灭卫满朝鲜后，以高句丽人之地设县并以其族名命名县名。《前汉书*地理志》亦记载玄菟郡由高句丽，上殷台，西盖马三县构成。公元前37年，扶馀王子朱蒙在卒本川（今辽宁省桓仁县）建卒本扶馀。由于卒本扶馀位于前汉设高句丽县辖地，而扶馀和高句丽属同族，中文典籍开始将「高句丽」作为国号使用，简称「句丽」。

南北朝时期，中国中原政权应高句丽统治者的请求改以「高丽」作为高句丽的正式简称，高句丽的统治者也被冠以「高丽王」的称号，并且逐渐以「高丽」作为正式国号。自此「高丽」长期成为朝鲜半岛的历史地理名称。新罗末年，弓裔建「后高句丽」。918年，王建推翻弓裔改国号为「高丽」。宋代，高丽王朝奉上高丽与高句丽继承关系的「高丽世次」，中国各朝代政权从此不辨两个高丽。

历史

建国

据好太王碑、《三国史记》、《魏书》、《周书》、《北史》、《隋书》等韩、中两国史书和史料记载，公元前37年，高句丽始祖，扶馀王子朱蒙因在扶馀国受到排斥，南下在鸭绿江沿岸卒本川建卒本扶馀，来附者众多。建国后，高句丽武力驱逐了肃慎，后于公元前36年吞并了松让王的沸流国。公元前34年，高句丽定都纥升骨城，公元前28年灭北沃沮。

公元前19年，朱蒙长子类利与其母从扶馀国逃到纥升骨城，被立为太子，是为高句丽第二代君主琉璃明王。琉璃明王十一年（公元前8年），高句丽以少胜多降服鲜卑。公元前5年冬，扶馀王带素率5万军队攻打高句丽，但因天寒，士兵冻死甚多而退。公元3年，琉璃明王弃纥升骨城迁都于国内城。公元12年，王莽强行将高句丽人编入辽西郡进攻匈奴等民族。由于高句丽士卒脱逃，王莽怪罪于高句丽王并改高句丽为「下句丽」。公元14年，琉璃明王西伐居住在今太子河流域的梁貊，进而袭取了西汉玄菟郡的高句丽县。

大武神王期间（18-43年），高句丽继续武力扩张，攻打扶馀，杀死扶馀王带素。公元37年，大武神王攻克鸭绿江以南的汉乐浪郡，后又先后灭盖马、句茶等国。44年，光武帝派兵渡海收复乐浪，使高句丽扩张受挫。

发展期

早期的中兴

太祖王时期，高句丽得到进一步的扩张和加强。公元56年，高句丽吞并东沃沮，后又吞并东濊一部分领土。高句丽在这时期也开始接受其周边国家的朝贡，也「遣使如汉」。与此同时，高句丽对乐浪郡、玄菟郡和辽东多次发动攻势，意图完全摆脱汉朝的控制。118年，高句丽联合濊貊攻打玄菟郡华丽城。121年，太祖王「攻玄菟、辽东二郡，焚其城郭，杀获二千馀人」。同年夏，太祖王合鲜卑共八千人攻辽东，太守蔡讽以下百馀人战死；同年冬，太祖王合马韩、濊貊共万馀攻玄菟郡，但是由于扶馀对汉军的援助，高句丽的攻击没能取得胜利。146年，太祖王袭扰乐浪郡，杀带方县令，掠乐浪太守妻子。

179年，新大王传位给故国川王。《三国史记》中叙述184年，故国川王亲自领兵打退乐浪军。191年，故国川王采纳精英政治制度，依照才能聘任大臣和官员。其中包括任用农民出身的晏留、乙巴素（被任命为高句丽国相），使高句丽出现了治世。

与曹魏、前燕和百济的战争

197年，故国川王去世，其三弟山上王继位，遭到其兄拔奇反对，引发内乱。拔奇后投奔辽东公孙度攻打高句丽。迫于辽东军事压力，山上王次年开始修筑丸都城。209年，丸都城建立完毕后山上王将都城迁移。

魏明帝景初二年（公元238年），曹魏太尉司马懿灭公孙渊，设高句丽、高显、辽阳、望平四县于玄菟郡。正始七年（246年），幽州刺吏毌丘俭破高句丽，东川王败走，毌丘俭又屠杀旧丸都内官员数千人，之后退兵。不久又再次进攻，东川王逃到买沟，毌丘俭又派玄菟太守王颀追击到沃沮。魏军进一步追击。但东川王在纽由、密友等的保卫下得以隐匿。次年，东川王修建平壤城。

曹魏的毌丘俭焚烧了丸都城后以为高句丽灭亡了，所以很快就撤离了。70年后（267年），高句丽重建了旧丸都城，并开始袭击辽东、乐浪和玄菟。随著高句丽对辽东半岛的挺进，313年，高句丽美川王侵略原汉四郡的最后一郡——乐浪郡。高句丽在朝鲜半岛北部处于强势。

高句丽的对外扩张几次招来险些亡国。342年，前燕慕容皝侵入高句丽，虏走了高句骊百姓五万多口，最后一把火烧了高句骊王宫，并将新丸都城再次夷为平地。343年（东晋咸康八年），高句骊重修由于前燕慕容皝东征而被摧毁的新丸都城，并于同年秋天又一次移居新丸都城。4个月后，旧丸都山城就再次毁于战火。371年，百济近肖古王袭击高句丽最大城市平壤（前乐浪郡治所），并在战场上杀死了高句丽故国原王。

复兴期

高句丽小兽林王继位后，开始加强高句丽国内的稳定和统一，仿照中原公布「律令」（当于宪法和刑法）。372年立佛教为高句丽国教，并建立国家教育机构「太学」。小兽林王还对高句丽军队进行了改革。

鼎盛时期

好太王时期

从高句丽好太王继位起，高句丽开始进入鼎盛时期。根据好太王的儿子长寿王为他所立的好太王碑记载，好太王在一次与扶馀的战役中就攻克了扶馀64个城池，1,400个村庄。好太王与辽东地区的后燕也互有徵战；并降服了北部的扶馀国和靺鞨部落；大败百济；瓦解了伽倻；并在新罗与百济、伽倻和倭的战争中将新罗变为高句丽的保护国（399年）。就这样，在好太王时期，朝鲜半岛形成了一个长达50年的松散统一局面。好太王时期，高句丽在朝鲜半岛的面积已达到半岛面积的一半。北部包括今中国辽东半岛大部分。

长寿王时期

413年，高句丽长寿王登基。由于百济和新罗的对抗，427年，长寿王迁都到平壤城以加强对百济和新罗的控制。长寿王延续了其父好太王的扩张政策。5世纪末，长寿王于475年攻破百济首都汉山城，杀百济盖卤王，并吞汉江流域，使国家在半岛领土的面积增加成3/4，他又吞并了一些扶馀，靺鞨和契丹部落；与北魏交锋。到长寿王末年时，高句丽人口增加到九万户，疆域也空前扩大，其南境自牙山湾经鸟岭、竹岭到平海与百济、新罗相接，扩大到今朝鲜大同江、载宁江、临津江、汉江沿岸，为高句丽全盛时期。据《魏书·高句丽列传》载，其「魏时，其地东西二千里，南北一千馀里」，即东临日本海，西滨黄海，南到汉江流域，北抵辽河为界，是东北亚地区最为强大的王国之一，此时高句丽威名传至中原，南北朝双方朝廷都对高句丽王以「乐浪郡王」的册封。491年长寿王死后，扶馀被勿吉国灭亡后扶馀人内附于高句丽，国力达到最大状态。

6世纪末和7世纪初的混乱

高句丽在6世纪达到鼎盛后，开始走向平世。高句丽安藏王被刺杀后，其兄安原王继位。在安原王时期，王室间的纷争加剧。两政治集团对王位继承进行争斗，最后年仅8岁的阳原王登基。不过对权力的争夺并没有结束。反对派的幕僚们开始建设自己的军队，对自己的领地进行实际上的控制。内忧外患，6世纪50年代，高句丽北疆受到契丹的袭击。但高句丽内部的幕僚争夺依然继续。551年，百济和新罗联合隋朝开始攻打高句丽。公元586年（隋文帝开皇六年），高句丽平原王将都城由平壤城迁至长安城（即今朝鲜平壤市区），直至高句丽灭亡。历时83年。

6世纪末和7世纪初，高句丽开始与隋、唐频频交战。高句丽与百济和新罗的关系在这一时期很复杂，一会儿是友，一会儿是敌。

丢失汉江流域

551年，百济和新罗联手攻打高句丽。高句丽从此失去具有重要战略意义的朝鲜半岛中部之肥沃的汉江流域。百济新罗联盟的主战者百济在对高句丽的战争几乎精疲力尽。553年，新罗以帮百济的名义出兵。但却对百济发动了攻势，最后将整个汉江流域全部纳入囊中。怒于新罗的背叛，百济圣王第二年攻新罗西部以报复，但被新罗擒住，后被处死。

朝鲜半岛中部的战争，对朝鲜半岛的格局产生了深远的影响。新罗对百济的攻击使百济成了朝鲜半岛的最弱者。新罗由于攻取人口众多而富饶的汉江流域，给其日后统一朝鲜半岛奠定良好基础。相反，高句丽却因丢失汉江流域而国力大减。另外新罗获得汉江流域后，疆域西界毗邻黄海，使其可以和中原王朝直接贸易和建立外交。这样新罗就不再依赖高句丽而是直接从中原王朝学到先进的文化与技术。新罗与中原王朝的直接沟通与联盟最终使得在七世纪中期邀请唐军赴朝鲜半岛作战，给高句丽带来灾难性的后果。

隋与高句丽的战争

隋文帝开皇九年（589年）四月，隋灭南陈后，开始要求周边国家为其臣属。高句丽与隋朝的关系逐渐进入战争状态。开皇十年（590年），高句丽平原王「治兵积谷，为守拒之策」，随时准备迎战隋朝大军。开皇十八年（598年），高句丽先发制人突袭辽西的营州，激怒隋文帝，引发高句丽与隋朝第一次战争。隋文帝遣三十万兵分水陆两路攻打高句丽。但隋军因遭大雨，运粮困难，水军遭遇风暴，与高句丽交战损失惨重。

隋炀帝大业三年（607年），杨广发现高句丽与隋朝的藩属突厥汗国缔结联盟，导致大业八年（612年），隋炀帝亲率三十万军队兵分陆路和海路同时征伐高句丽，但遭到高句丽的强烈抵抗，隋军溃败。大业九年（613年）和大业十年（614年）；隋炀帝再次率军亲征高句丽，但因杨玄感起兵反隋炀帝和高句丽投降并交还叛逃的隋将斛斯政使得隋对高句丽的这两次战役无功而返。大业十二年（615年）杨广又打算进攻高句丽，但由于隋内乱加剧，攻高句丽的计划没实行。

隋对高句丽的战争使隋朝国力衰落，早在征伐高句丽之前的大业六年（610年）和七年（611年）就先后爆发了民变，但被迅速镇压，在这之后就爆发隋末民变。619年，隋朝灭亡。不过隋与高句丽的战争也削弱了高句丽的国力。

唐与高句丽的战争和与新罗的联盟

隋朝攻打高句丽失利后，国内发生民变而灭亡。高句丽对于继起的唐朝仍然敌视。631年，高句丽开始在辽东建千里长城以防止唐朝的进攻，并与突厥联盟。而唐朝第二代皇帝唐太宗李世民则以高句丽据有的「辽东」（当时的「辽东」的概念略同于汉朝四郡的范围，即中国东北辽河以东地区以及朝鲜半岛的北部）为「旧中国之有」，而今「九瀛大定，唯此一隅」，决心将对高句丽的征伐作为中国九州统一战争的最后部分，但是唐对高句丽的进攻起初很不成功，在无数次的战役中失守战略要点。在击败高句丽的盟友东突厥后，唐与新罗联盟。642年高句丽将军渊盖苏文刺杀荣留王后，渊盖苏文对唐的挑衅使唐与高句丽的关系紧张。

唐太宗贞观十九年（645年），唐太宗再一次对高句丽发动进攻，但高句丽在渊盖苏文和安市城主（18世纪以后朝鲜的笔记小说称其名为杨万春）的带领下击退了唐的入侵。649年，直至唐太宗离世前也一直经营海军意图大举拿下高句丽。660年，唐和新罗的联军灭了高句丽西南的盟友百济。又随后的661年—662年，唐与新罗的联军持续进攻高句丽。虽然唐的攻击给高句丽带来损失，但在渊盖苏文在世期间，唐和新罗一直都没能击灭高句丽。

662年后，渊盖苏文离世后渊家族内部斗争间接导致了高句丽失去对辽东的影响力。

灭亡

666年，渊盖苏文去世后，渊盖苏文长子渊男生到前方视察军情备战。让两个弟弟渊男建和渊男产留守平壤。渊男建和渊男产趁大哥不在诬陷他叛逃到唐，并逼高句丽宝藏王通缉渊男生。渊男生走投无路，只好投靠唐朝并被唐重用。渊男生率领唐军攻打高句丽，以期望能夺回大权。许多高句丽护城将领见到渊男生纷纷放弃抵抗。渊男生投靠唐朝成为唐与高句丽的战争的重要转折点。由于渊男生为唐朝提供了可靠的高句丽军事信息，唐朝于是大幅增加了攻打高句丽的兵力。十二月十八，以李世绩为辽东道行军大总管兼安抚大使，以司列少常伯郝处俊副之，与契苾何力、庞同善率兵15万兵力以击高句丽。诏独孤卿云由鸭渌道，郭待封由积利道，在百济故地驻守的刘仁愿由毕列道，新罗金仁问由海谷道，并为行军总管，与运粮使窦义积，皆受李世绩节度，河北诸州租赋悉诣辽东给军用。667年，李绩在推进途中遇到极其顽强的抵抗，推进受到限制，但仍然攻下高句丽新城（今辽宁抚顺北高尔山城），由于新城有著极其重要的战略地位，新城的失守对于高句丽西线战线来讲是毁灭性的打击；后薛仁贵以策略拿下南苏、木底、苍岩三城，与领路的渊男生顺利在鸭绿江附近集合；李绩等攻取扶馀城后，又攻下大行城（今辽宁丹东西南娘娘城）。经过了漫长的冬天，668年春夏，各路唐朝兵力在鸭绿江边会师。高句丽发动最后的反击，唐军依然继续推进到平壤城。高句丽经过了数个月的守城，渊男产被宝藏王委派投降，但渊男建拒绝投降。同年九月十二，高句丽僧人信诚打开平壤城门，唐军有机会攻入平壤，渊男建被俘虏投降。

与此同时，在南线由于金庾信的攻势，渊盖苏文的弟弟渊净土向新罗投降。就这样高句丽由于内部纷争，长年饥荒和唐与新罗南北联合攻击下最终灭亡。

高句丽被灭后，唐分其境为九都督府、四十二州、一百县，并于平壤设安东都护府以统之，任命右威卫大将军薛仁贵为检校安东都护，领兵二万镇守其地，试图控制朝鲜半岛。但遭到了新罗的反击。新罗拥立投降的渊净土的儿子安胜为高句丽王（史称报德王），赏赐金姓。并协助高句丽移民策动叛乱。经过数年的反唐战争，新罗最终控制朝鲜半岛大同江以南地区。大同江以北则由唐和后来崛起的渤海国占据。

后继复国运动

668年，高句丽灭亡后大批高句丽遗民展开了反对唐和新罗联盟的运动。其中较为著名的有剑牟岑，乞乞仲象和大祚荣等。唐曾多次试图在高句丽东部故地建立都督府控制此地区，但都失败了。唐为管理原高句丽故地而设置的安东都护府，最初是由薛仁贵来管理的。后来唐朝任命高句丽宝藏王高藏为辽东州都督、朝鲜王。由于宝藏王支持反唐被流放。宝藏王的儿子高德武接管了安东都督府。日本学者日野开三郎在其著《小高句丽国の研究》中描述高句丽灭亡后，高句丽王族后代在辽东和朝鲜半岛大同江以北建立了复兴政权小高句丽。但是由于史料较少，所以不被学术界所公认。

高句丽灭亡后，高句丽大将剑牟岑最初在百济故地汉城立宝藏王后裔安胜为王，试图重建高句丽，并得到了新罗文武王金法敏的支持。但后来由于内部纷争，剑牟岑被谋杀，安胜投靠到新罗。新罗给了安胜一片土地，让他建立了报德国。683年，新罗神文王因担心叛乱将报德国吞并。安胜被赐予新罗王室的「金」姓。

粟末靺鞨酋长乞乞仲象和他的儿子大祚荣原都是高句丽统治下的靺鞨人大将。668年八月，高句丽灭亡，三十年后，即698年，乞乞仲象和大祚荣在高句丽故地建立起震国并从唐朝手里征服了原属高句丽的部分国土。乞乞仲象去世后，713年，震国接受唐朝册封的「渤海郡王」，与唐朝建立了藩属关系。渤海国宣称继承高句丽而控制了朝鲜半岛大同江以北、今中国东北地区东南部和俄罗斯滨海边疆区部分地方。今朝鲜半岛大同江以南则隶属于新罗。

安史之乱期间，高句丽遗民李正己在营州加入唐朝平卢节度使军队，后随唐军南迁山东淄青，在成为淄青节度使后，成为今山东地区的割据藩镇，名义上是唐朝的藩镇。这是在归化唐朝的高句丽人中，少有的历史名人。781年李正己病死后，其藩镇被其后裔李纳、李师古和李师道继承。李纳在唐朝削藩时，曾公开反唐，自称齐王，李氏政权直到819年灭亡。

905年，弓裔自称后高丽王，后改国号为泰封。918年，王建称王，国号高丽。泰封和高丽先后相继，都自称继承高句丽。有些高句丽人到了日本。

政治体制

高句丽王位以世袭方式传承，王以下有部落首领，称大加、相加或古雏加，合称为「诸加」，与扶馀国相同。王的臣僚包括沛者或对卢（即宰相）、主簿、优台、丞、使者、皂衣、先人，而诸加同样有类似臣僚制度。诸加可支配下户（百姓）、奴婢，数目达万人。受支配的下户、奴婢需向诸加供以谷物、鱼盐。

高句丽由诸加审理共论犯法案件，重罪者死，其妻没为奴婢，窃盗罪赔偿12倍。诸加也评论国政，高句丽的王有时也受制肘。

关于高句丽的官职，在各史料中记载皆有不同。现将各史料中高句丽官职列于下表：

社会文化

公元前4世纪左右，随著中国文字、儒家思想和教育制度的传入，学校教育开始在高句丽出现。据《三国史记》记载，小兽林王二年（372年），高句丽「立太学，教育子弟」。这是朝鲜半岛最早的学校教育。太学以贵族子弟为教育对象，传授中国的古典和儒学。高句丽在地方设有面向百姓的最早私学-扃堂，其教育内容主要是读书和射箭。

高句丽人民以农业、渔猎为生，但农作物产量不多，使人民习惯节食。每年10月举行秋收祭典「东盟」，祭祀国祖神、隧穴神（衪有农业神的性质，从洞穴中迎出，移到鸭绿江边国内城的木制神象，象徵水神与日神交接，东盟的高潮），阳光与水是作物生产基础，有求丰收之意，其间人民饮酒歌舞庆祝。也有养马，朱蒙的果下马是高句丽的土种马。高句丽与勿吉、鲜卑不同，不剪发与辫发，而是结发为髻（与扶馀相同），这种东盟祭不是只是在桂娄部进行，五部也进行，但整个过程中主祭是国王。

高句丽社会崇尚厚葬，以石为棺，加以金银等贵重陪葬物，外层多次封坟，砌成石冢。高句丽有二座神庙，一是祭祀扶馀神（柳花夫人）由朱蒙立祀，一是祭祀登高神（朱蒙）由大武神王立。周书/卷49中记载：「一曰夫余神，刻木作妇人之象；一曰登高神，云是其始祖夫余神之子。并置官司，遣人守护。盖河伯女与朱蒙云。」旧唐书卷199上记载后世的高句丽「颇有箕子之遗风」，「其俗多淫祀，事灵星神、日神、可汗神、箕子神。」

婚俗方面，高句丽行一夫一妻制，并允许男女以己意自由婚配，即所谓「有婚嫁，取男女相悦，即为之」。成婚后男方入住由女家准备的「婿屋」（在婿屋中受辱，通过外家考验，可结婚，待儿女长大，男方才可携妻儿返回男家），是母系社会产品。高句丽社会虽实行一夫一妻制，但「其俗尚淫」，并不认为男女之间有染可耻。在这种风俗之下，「男女多相奔诱」。可见未婚男女和已婚男女中，性关系随便而不受约束，「兄死妻嫂」（如山上王续娶兄长故国川王之妻），寡妇改嫁，均属常见。「多诈伪，言辞鄙秽，不简亲疏，乃至同川而浴，共室而寝。风俗好淫，不以为愧。有游女者，夫无常人。婚娶之礼，略无财币，若受财者，谓之卖婢，俗甚耻之。」

国王世代与绝奴部通婚，通过婚姻关系确保自己的政治地位。

文学

高句丽在公元1世纪就已经编纂了大型的记事史书《留记》100卷。公元600年，高句丽太学博士李文真在《留记》的基础上，修撰了《新集》五大卷。后世的文献中还出现了大量朝鲜三国时期的史书名字。不过，这一历史时期的文献大多在历次战火中被焚毁，可供参考的留世典籍很少。据李德懋（1741-1793）之《青庄馆全书·纪年儿览序》，「唐李绩平高句丽，聚东方书籍于平壤，忌其文物不让中国，举以焚之。新罗之末，甄萱据完山，输置三国遗书，荡为灰烬。此三千年来二大厄也。」

《箜篌引》是首被翻译成汉语而保留下来的高句丽歌谣，记载于东汉蔡邕的《琴操·九引》和西晋崔豹的《古今注·音乐》中。此歌全篇仅16字，但意尤深远。朝鲜古籍中还留有少数《玄鹤》、《来远城》、《延阳》、《溟州》等高句丽乡曲的名称，但并没有留下歌词。这些乡曲在朝鲜文学史上发挥了重要的影响。

琉璃明王创作的四言诗《黄鸟歌》是朝鲜半岛现存最早的汉诗。曾到中国北周留学的高句丽僧人定法师在高句丽平原王在位期间创作有五言写景律诗《咏孤石》，流传至今。《遣于仲文诗》是高句丽大将乙支文德在隋与高句丽的战争期间，写给隋将于仲文的五言诗，劝他「知足」退兵。该诗用词巧妙，不卑不亢，是首被历代称颂的作品。

现存最早的朝鲜汉文散文是高句丽大武神王写给汉辽东太守的一封书函。公元28年，汉辽东太守率兵攻打高句丽，高句丽闭城固守。汉军原以为城内无水，久守城外期待高句丽不战自降。猜测出汉军意图后，高句丽大武神王从池中钓了一条鲤鱼，用水草包裹好，并附了封信和酒，派人一起送到汉营。信上写道：「寡人愚昧，获罪于上国，致令上将军率百万之军，暴露敝境。无以将厚意，辄用薄物致供左右。」辽东军见到鲤鱼和水草后，认为城中有水，一时很难攻陷，逐退兵。

现存的高句丽的散文还包括一些碑志和铭文。现存于中国吉林省集安市的《好太王陵碑文》是高句丽长寿王于公元414年为其父广开土大王而立。整篇碑文共1800馀字，由高句丽建国神话、广开土大王南征北伐的丰功伟绩、守墓烟户情况以及有关守墓的教谕和制令四部分组成，是朝鲜古代碑志的代表作。此外，朝鲜三国的碑志还有高句丽的《牟头娄墓志文》、《新罗真兴王巡狩四碑》和百济的《武宁王墓志》等。其中立于现今昌宁、北汉山、磨云岭、黄草岭的新罗真兴王巡狩四碑碑志中写有「联绍太祖之基，篡承王统，兢身自慎，四方托境，广获民土。邻国誓言，和使交通」，显示出新罗当时的兴盛状况。

宗教信仰

高句丽人信仰多神崇拜，是萨满文化的反映。《新唐书·高丽传》载高句丽「俗多淫祀」，表明高句丽的多神文化。据《后汉书·东夷·高句丽传》记载高句丽「以十月祭天大会，名曰『东盟』」，可见高句丽有祭天的风俗，并在每年的10月份举办盛大的祭天仪式。高句丽壁画墓多绘有日月神像，表明其有日月星辰崇拜。高句丽五盔坟四号墓「日月神绘于北角二层抹角石上，人首蛇身。日神居左，男相，披发，双手捧日轮于头上，日中有三足鸟，月神居右，长发女相，双手捧月轮于头上，月中有蟾蜍。」长川一号墓后室藻井顶部绘日神（三足鸟）、月神（塘蜍与免）和北斗七星图。高句丽古墓壁画中也有位列中国史籍与传说中的三皇五帝中的三皇、伏羲、女娲和神农氏，箕子表明高句丽深受传统中国文化影响。

高句丽人崇拜三足乌、龙和凤。高句丽的三足乌文化由中国中原地区传入。三足乌又被称为金乌，体现古代中国人对鸟和太阳的崇拜。高句丽人对三足乌的这种崇拜在高句丽古墓壁画中有描述。

随著佛教从中国传入高句丽，佛教地位在高句丽不断提高。故国壤王时期，佛教被定为高句丽国教。

高句丽舞蹈

高句丽是个喜歌擅舞的民族。《三国志》卷30《魏书·东夷传·高句骊》记载：「其民喜歌舞，国中邑落，暮夜男女相聚，相就歌戏」。高句丽壁画上也绘有各种的舞蹈，其中中国集安高句丽古坟壁画绘有「长鼓舞」，朝鲜黄海道安岳第三号坟墓和八青里坟墓群的壁画上绘有「刀舞」。这些舞蹈形式在朝鲜族的传统舞蹈中传承。高句丽壁画上的「西瓜游戏」、「扇舞」也可以看到现代朝鲜族「西瓜舞」、「扇舞」的影子。

高句丽建筑

高句丽建筑富有浓厚的高句丽地域和文化特色。今存遗迹多是山城和墓葬。

世界文化遗产

朝鲜从2000年开始申请世界遗产名录，当初在2003年举行的第27届世界遗产委员会巴黎会议上准备列入世界遗产名录，不过由于中国的反对，未能列入。中国从2003年开始了申请，在2004年举行的第28届世界遗产委员会苏州会议上，朝鲜的「Complex of Koguryo Tombs」（高句丽墓葬群）和中国东北的「Capital Cities and Tombs of the Ancient Koguryo Kingdom」（高句丽王城、王陵及贵族墓葬）分别被列入世界遗产名录，成为两项独立的世界文化遗产。

中国的「高句丽王城、王陵及贵族墓葬」包括王城3座、王陵14处及贵族墓26座：

王城：五女山城、国内城、丸都山城。

王陵：麻线0626号墓、千秋墓、西大墓、麻线2100号墓、麻线2378号墓、七星山0211号墓、七星山0871号墓、太王陵及好太王碑、临江墓、禹山0992号墓、将军坟及1号陪葬墓。

贵族墓：角抵墓、舞踊墓、马槽墓、王字墓、环纹墓、冉牟墓、散莲花墓、长川2号墓、长川4号墓、长川1号墓、禹山3319号墓、五盔坟1号墓、五盔坟2号墓、五盔坟3号墓、五盔坟4号墓、五盔坟5号墓、四神墓、禹山2112号墓、四盔坟1号墓、四盔坟2号墓、四盔坟3号墓、四盔坟4号墓、兄墓、弟墓、折天井墓、龟甲墓

高句丽遗民

高句丽遗民里一部分变为新罗人、渤海人，渤海国灭亡前后和复国运动过程中部分渤海人迁入到高丽王朝境内融入高丽人。复国运动过程中被契丹俘虏的一部分渤海人融入契丹。

多数高句丽王族和一部分百济王族被迁到唐朝境内，在洛阳北邙山一带发掘面世的高句丽王族泉男生、泉男产、泉献诚、高慈、高震、泉毖，以及百济王族扶馀隆的墓志铭，清末民初著名金石学者罗振玉编成《唐代海东藩阀志存》一书。

中国社会科学院的杨保隆认为有1/3到一半的高句丽人曾被内迁至内地，并且成为中国内地一重要的武人集团，在唐末五代历史中扮演了重要的角色。

高句丽王族高丽若光率领高句丽遗民1799人亡命到日本，在日本武藏国开拓高丽郡，并建立高丽神社。甲斐国巨麻郡，河内国大县郡，河内国若江郡巨麻乡，山城国相乐郡大狛乡、下狛乡也有高句丽人。

高句丽相关现代争议

对于高句丽的历史归属，中国大陆、朝鲜与韩国学者存在争议。2004年8月22日，中韩两国就高句丽历史问题达成《五项谅解事项》。此后，两国领导人都在不同场合表示遵守《五项谅解事项》，学术与政治分开，现实与历史分开，正确对待，妥善处理，不让争议影响两国关系。

注释

History

Origin

The earliest record of Goguryeo can be traced from the geographic monographs of the Book of Han, the name Goguryeo is attested in the name of Gaogouli County (Goguryeo County), Xuantu Commandery since 113 BC, the year when Emperor Wu of Han China conquered Gojoseon and established the Four Commanderies. Beckwith, however, argued that the record was ingenuine. Instead, he suggested that the Guguryeo people was first located in or around Liaoxi (western Liaoning and parts of Inner Mongolia) and migrated eastward later, pointing to another account in the Book of Han. The early Goguryeo tribes were under the administration of Xuantu Commandery, and were perceived as dependable clients or allies by the Han. Goguryeo leaders were conferred Han rank and status, the most prominent being the Marquis of Goguryeo, which carried a relatively independent authority within Xuantu. Some historians attribute more power to the Goguryeo during this period, linking their insurgency to the collapse of the first Xuantu Commandery in 75 BC. In the Old Book of Tang (945), it is recorded that Emperor Taizong refers to Goguryeo's history as being some 900 years old. According to the 12th-century Samguk sagi and the 13th-century Samgungnyusa, a prince from the Buyeo kingdom named Jumong fled after a power struggle with other princes of the court and founded Goguryeo in 37 BC in a region called Jolbon Buyeo, usually thought to be located in the middle Yalu and Tongjia River basin, overlapping the current China-North Korea border.

In 75 BC, a group of Yemaek who may have originated from Goguryeo made an incursion into China's Xuantu Commandery west of the Yalu. Archaeological evidence would support centralized groups of Yemaek tribes in the 2nd century BC, but there is no direct evidence that would suggest these Yemaek groups were known as or would identify themselves as Goguryeo. The first mention of Goguryeo as a group label associated with Yemaek tribes is a reference in the Han Shu that discusses a Goguryeo revolt in 12 AD, during which they broke away from the influence of the Chinese at Xuantu.

According to the Book 37 of Samguk sagi Monographs, Goguryeo originated north of ancient China, then gradually moved east to the side of Taedong River. At its founding, the Goguryeo people are believed to be a blend of people from Buyeo and Yemaek, as leadership from Buyeo may have fled their kingdom and integrated with existing Yemaek chiefdoms. The Records of the Three Kingdoms, in the section titled "Accounts of the Eastern Barbarians", implied that Buyeo and the Yemaek people were ethnically related and spoke a similar language.

Chinese people were also in Gorguyeo. Book 28 of Samguk Sagi stated that a lot of Chinese migrated to Haedong since the chaos of Qin and Han. Later Han dynasty established the Four Commanderies, and in 12 AD Goguryeo made its first attempt to annex Xuantu Commandery. The population of Xuantu Commandery was about 221,845 and they lived in three counties (Goguryeo, Shangyintai and Xigaima) of Xuantu Commandery in 2 AD. Later on, Goguryeo gradually annexed all the Four Commanderies of Han during its expansion.

Both Goguryeo and Baekje shared founding myths and originated from Buyeo.

Jumong and the foundation myth

The earliest mention of Jumong is in the 4th-century Gwanggaeto Stele. Jumong is the modern Korean transcription of the hanja 朱蒙 Jumong, 邹牟 Chumo, or 仲牟 Jungmo.

The Stele states that Jumong was the first king and ancestor of Goguryeo and that he was the son of the prince of Buyeo and daughter of Habaek, the god of the Amnok River or, according to an alternative interpretation, the sun god Haebak. The Samguk sagi and Samgungnyusa paint additional detail and names Jumong's mother as Yuhwa. Jumong's biological father was said to be a man named Haemosu who is described as a "strong man" and "a heavenly prince." The river god chased Yuhwa away to the Ubal River due to her pregnancy, where she met and became the concubine of Geumwa.

Jumong was well known for his exceptional archery skills. Eventually, Geumwa's sons became jealous of him, and Jumong was forced to leave Eastern Buyeo. The Stele and later Korean sources disagree as to which Buyeo Jumong came from. The Stele says he came from Buyeo and the Samgungnyusa and Samguk sagi say he came from Eastern Buyeo. Jumong eventually made it to Jolbon, where he married Soseono, daughter of its ruler. He subsequently became king himself, founding Goguryeo with a small group of his followers from his native country.

A traditional account from the "Annals of Baekje" section in the Samguk sagi says that Soseono was the daughter of Yeon Tabal, a wealthy influential figure in Jolbon and married to Jumong. However, the same source officially states that the king of Jolbon gave his daughter to Jumong, who had escaped with his followers from Eastern Buyeo, in marriage. She gave her husband, Jumong, financial support in founding the new statelet, Goguryeo. After Yuri, son of Jumong and his first wife, Lady Ye, came from Dongbuyeo and succeeded Jumong, she left Goguryeo, taking her two sons Biryu and Onjo south to found their own kingdoms, one of which was Baekje.

Jumong's given surname was "Hae", the name of the Buyeo rulers. According to the Samgungnyusa, Jumong changed his surname to "Go" in conscious reflection of his divine parentage. Jumong is recorded to have conquered the tribal states of Biryu in 36 BC, Haeng-in in 33 BC, and Northern Okjeo in 28 BC.

Centralization and early expansion (mid-first century)

Goguryeo developed from a league of various Yemaek tribes to an early state and rapidly expanded its power from their original basin of control in the Hun River drainage. In the time of Taejodae in 53 AD, five local tribes were reorganized into five centrally ruled districts. Foreign relations and the military were controlled by the king. Early expansion might be best explained by ecology; Goguryeo controlled territory in what is currently central and southern Manchuria and northern Korea, which are both very mountainous and lacking in arable land. Upon centralizing, Goguryeo might have been unable to harness enough resources from the region to feed its population and thus, following historical pastoralist tendencies, would have sought to raid and exploit neighboring societies for their land and resources. Aggressive military activities may have also aided expansion, allowing Goguryeo to exact tribute from their tribal neighbors and dominate them politically and economically.

Taejo conquered the Okjeo tribes of what is now northeastern Korea as well as the Dongye and other tribes in Southeastern Manchuria and Northern Korea. From the increase of resources and manpower that these subjugated tribes gave him, Taejodae led Goguryeo in attacking the Han Commanderies of Lelang and Xuantu in the Korean and Liaodong Peninsulas, becoming fully independent from them.

Generally, Taejodae allowed the conquered tribes to retain their chieftains, but required them to report to governors who were related to Goguryeo's royal line; tribes under Goguryeo's jurisdiction were expected to provide heavy tribute. Taejodae and his successors channeled these increased resources to continuing Goguryeo's expansion to the north and west. New laws regulated peasants and the aristocracy, as tribal leaders continued to be absorbed into the central aristocracy. Royal succession changed from fraternal to patrilineal, stabilizing the royal court.

The expanding Goguryeo kingdom soon entered into direct military contact with the Liaodong Commandery to its west. Pressure from Liaodong forced Goguryeo to move their capital in the Hun River valley to the Yalu River valley near Hwando.

Goguryeo–Wei Wars

In the chaos following the fall of the Han Dynasty, the former Han commanderies had broken free of control and were ruled by various independent warlords. Surrounded by these commanderies, who were governed by aggressive warlords, Goguryeo moved to improve relations with the newly created dynasty of Cao Wei in China and sent tribute in 220. In 238, Goguryeo entered into a formal alliance with Wei to destroy the Liaodong commandery.

When Liaodong was finally conquered by Wei, cooperation between Wei and Goguryeo fell apart and Goguryeo attacked the western edges of Liaodong, which incited a Wei counterattack in 244. Thus, Goguryeo initiated the Goguryeo–Wei War in 242, trying to cut off Chinese access to its territories in Korea by attempting to take a Chinese fort. However, the Wei state responded by invading and defeated Goguryeo. The capital at Hwando was destroyed by Wei forces in 244. It is said that Dongcheon, with his army destroyed, fled for a while to the Okjeo state in the east. Wei invaded again in 259 but was defeated at Yangmaenggok; according to the Samguk sagi, Jungcheon assembled 5,000 elite cavalry and defeated the invading Wei troops, beheading 8,000 enemies.

Revival and further expansion (300 to 390)

In only 70 years, Goguryeo rebuilt its capital Hwando and again began to raid the Liaodong, Lelang and Xuantu commandaries. As Goguryeo extended its reach into the Liaodong Peninsula, the last Chinese commandery at Lelang was conquered and absorbed by Micheon in 313, bringing the remaining northern part of the Korean peninsula into the fold. This conquest resulted in the end of Chinese rule over territory in the northern Korean peninsula, which had spanned 400 years. From that point on, until the 7th century, territorial control of the peninsula would be contested primarily by the Three Kingdoms of Korea.

Goguryeo met major setbacks and defeats during the reign of Gogukwon in the 4th century. In the early 4th century, the nomadic proto-Mongol Xianbei people occupied northern China; during the winter of 342, the Xianbei of Former Yan, ruled by the Murong clan, attacked and destroyed Goguryeo's capital, Hwando, capturing 50,000 Goguryeo men and women to use as slave labor in addition to taking the Queen Dowager and Queen prisoner, and forced Gogukwon to flee for a while. The Xianbei also devastated Buyeo in 346, accelerating Buyeo migration to the Korean peninsula. In 371, Geunchogo of Baekje killed Gogukwon in the Battle of Chiyang and sacked Pyongyang, one of Goguryeo's largest cities.

Sosurim, who succeeded the slain Gogukwon, reshaped the nation's institutions to save it from a great crisis. Turning to domestic stability and the unification of various conquered tribes, Sosurim proclaimed new laws, embraced Buddhism as the state religion in 372, and established a national educational institute called the Taehak. Due to the defeats that Goguryeo had suffered at the hands of the Xianbei and Baekje, Sosurim instituted military reforms aimed at preventing such defeats in the future. Sosurim's internal arrangements laid the groundwork for Gwanggaeto's expansion. His successor and the father of Gwanggaeto the Great, Gogukyang, invaded Later Yan, the successor state of Former Yan, in 385 and Baekje in 386.

Goguryeo used its military to protect and exploit semi-nomadic peoples, who served as vassals, foot soldiers, or slaves, such as the Okjeo people in the northeast end of the Korean peninsula, and the Mohe people in Manchuria, who would later become the Jurchens.

Zenith of Goguryeos Power (391 to 531 AD)

Goguryeo experienced a golden age under Gwanggaeto the Great and his son Jangsu. During this period, Goguryeo territories included three fourths of the Korean Peninsula, including what is now Seoul, almost all of Manchuria, and parts of Inner Mongolia. There is archaeological evidence that Goguryeo's maximum extent lay even further west in present-day Mongolia, based on discoveries of Goguryeo fortress ruins in Mongolia.

Gwanggaeto the Great (r. 391–412) was a highly energetic emperor who is remembered for his rapid military expansion of the realm. He instituted the era name of Yeongnak or Eternal Rejoicing, affirming that Goguryeo was on equal standing with the dynasties in the Chinese mainland. Gwanggaeto conquered 64 walled cities and 1,400 villages during his campaigns. To the west, he destroyed neighboring Khitan tribes and invaded Later Yan, conquering the entire Liaodong Peninsula; to the north and east, he annexed much of Buyeo and conquered the Sushen, who were Tungusic ancestors of the Jurchens and Manchus; and to the south, he defeated and subjugated Baekje, contributed to the dissolution of Gaya, and vassalized Silla after defending it from a coalition of Baekje, Gaya, and Wa. Gwanggaeto brought about a loose unification of the Korean Peninsula, and achieved undisputed control of most of Manchuria and over two thirds of the Korean Peninsula.

Gwanggaeto's exploits were recorded on a huge memorial stele erected by his son Jangsu, located in present-day Ji'an on the border between China and North Korea.

Jangsu (r. 413–491) ascended to the throne in 413 and moved the capital in 427 to Pyongyang, a more suitable region to grow into a burgeoning metropolitan capital, which led Goguryeo to achieve a high level of cultural and economic prosperity. Jangsu, like his father, continued Goguryeo's territorial expansion into Manchuria and reached the Songhua River to the north. He invaded the Khitans, and then attacked the Didouyu, located in eastern Mongolia, with his Rouran allies. Like his father, Jangsu also achieved a loose unification of the Three Kingdoms of Korea. He defeated Baekje and Silla and gained large amounts of territory from both. In addition, Jangsu's long reign saw the perfecting of Goguryeo's political, economic and other institutional arrangements. Jangsu ruled Goguryeo for 79 years until the age of 98, the longest reign in East Asian history.

During the reign of Munja, Goguryeo completely annexed Buyeo, signifying Goguryeo's furthest-ever expansion north, while continuing its strong influence over the kingdoms of Silla and Baekje, and the tribes of Wuji and Khitan.

Internal strife (531 to 551)

Goguryeo reached its zenith in the 6th century. After this, however, it began a steady decline. Anjang was assassinated, and succeeded by his brother Anwon, during whose reign aristocratic factionalism increased. A political schism deepened as two factions advocated different princes for succession, until the eight-year-old Yang-won was finally crowned. But the power struggle was never resolved definitively, as renegade magistrates with private armies appointed themselves de facto rulers of their areas of control.

Taking advantage of Goguryeo's internal struggle, a nomadic group called the Tuchueh attacked Goguryeo's northern castles in the 550s and conquered some of Goguryeo's northern lands. Weakening Goguryeo even more, as civil war continued among feudal lords over royal succession, Baekje and Silla allied to attack Goguryeo from the south in 551.

Conflicts of the late 6th and 7th centuries

In the late 6th and early 7th centuries, Goguryeo was often in military conflict with the Sui and Tang dynasties of China. Its relations with Baekje and Silla were complex and alternated between alliances and enmity. A neighbor in the northwest were the Eastern Göktürk which was a nominal ally of Goguryeo.

Goguryeos loss of the Han River Valley

In 551 AD, Baekje and Silla entered into an alliance to attack Goguryeo and conquer the Han River valley, an important strategic area close to the center of the peninsula and a very rich agricultural region. After Baekje exhausted themselves with a series of costly assaults on Goguryeo fortifications, Silla troops, arriving on the pretense of offering assistance, attacked and took possession of the entire Han River valley in 553. Incensed by this betrayal, Seong launched a retaliatory strike against Silla's western border in the following year but was captured and killed.

The war, along the middle of the Korean peninsula, had very important consequences. It effectively made Baekje the weakest player on the Korean Peninsula and gave Silla an important resource and population rich area as a base for expansion. Conversely, it denied Goguryeo the use of the area, which weakened the kingdom. It also gave Silla direct access to the Yellow Sea, opening up direct trade and diplomatic access to the Chinese dynasties and accelerating Silla's adoption of Chinese culture. Thus, Silla could rely less on Goguryeo for elements of civilization and could get culture and technology directly from China. This increasing tilt of Silla to China would result in an alliance that would prove disastrous for Goguryeo in the late 7th century.

Goguryeo–Sui War

Goguryeo's expansion conflicted with Sui China and increased tensions. In 598, Goguryeo made a preemptive attack on Liaoxi, leading Emperor Wen to launch a counterattack by land and sea that ended in disaster for Sui.

Sui's most disastrous campaign against Goguryeo was in 612, in which Sui, according to the History of the Sui Dynasty, mobilized 30 Division armies, about 1,133,800 combat troops. Pinned along Goguryeo's line of fortifications on the Liao River, a detachment of nine division armies, about 305,000 troops, bypassed the main defensive lines and headed towards the Goguryeo capital of Pyongyang to link up with Sui naval forces, who had reinforcements and supplies.

However, Goguryeo was able to defeat the Sui navy, thus when the Sui's nine division armies finally reached Pyongyang, they didn't have the supplies for a lengthy siege. Sui troops retreated, but General Eulji Mundeok led the Goguryeo troops to victory by luring the Sui into an ambush outside of Pyongyang. At the Battle of Salsu, Goguryeo soldiers released water from a dam, which split the Sui army and cut off their escape route. Of the original 305,000 soldiers of Sui's nine division armies, it is said that only 2,700 escaped to Sui China.

The 613 and 614 campaigns were aborted after launch—the 613 campaign was terminated when the Sui general Yang Xuangan rebelled against Emperor Yang, while the 614 campaign was terminated after Goguryeo offered a truce and returned Husi Zheng (斛斯政), a defecting Sui general who had fled to Goguryeo, Emperor Yang later had Husi executed. Emperor Yang planned another attack on Goguryeo in 615, but due to Sui's deteroriating internal state he was never able to launch it. Sui was weakened due to rebellions against Emperor Yang's rule and his failed attempts to conquer Goguryeo. They could not attack further because the provinces in the Sui heartland would not send logistical support.

Emperor Yang's disastrous defeats in Korea greatly contributed to the collapse of the Sui dynasty.

Goguryeo–Silla War, Goguryeo-Tang War and the Silla–Tang alliance

First campaign in the Goguryeo–Tang War.

In AD 640, the 27th monarch of Goguryeo, Yeongnyu sent the crown prince of the kingdom to Chang』an, the capital city of Tang to pay tribute. In return, Tang envoy Dade Chen （陈大德）visited the Goguryeo in AD 641. During his trip to Goguryeo, he quoted 「ethnic Chinese can be seen everywhere in Gorguyeo ... about half the population of the country」. Dade then reported back to the emperor, Taizong of Tang answered: 「Goguryeo used to be the ancient land of Four Commanderies of Han, it is not hard to recapture Liaodong area, but Shangdong is still under recovery, it is not necessary to tire my people.」 Later on, Yeon Gaesomun, the military dictator of Goguryeo murdered his king, Yeongnyu. This event changed Taizong of Tang』s view on Goguryeo and planted a seed of the Tang-Silla alliance.

In the winter of 642, King Yeongnyu was apprehensive about Yeon Gaesomun, one of the great nobles of Goguryeo, and plotted with other officials to kill him. However, Yeon Gaesomun caught news of the plot and killed Yeongnyu and 100 officials, initiating a coup d'état. He proceeded to enthrone Yeongnyu's nephew, Go Jang, as King Bojang while wielding de facto control of Goguryeo himself as the generalissimo. Yeon Gaesomun took an increasingly provocative stance against Silla Korea and Tang China. Soon, Goguryeo formed an alliance with Baekje and invaded Silla, Daeya-song (modern Hapchon) and around 40 border fortresses were conquered by the Goguryeo-Baekje alliance. In 643, under pressure from the Goguryeo–Baekje alliance, Silla requested military aid from Tang. In 644, Tang began preparations for a major campaign against Goguryeo.

At the outset of his rule, Yeon Gaesomun took a brief conciliatory stance toward Tang China. For instance, he supported Taoism at the expense of Buddhism, and to this effect in 643, sent emissaries to the Tang court requesting Taoist sages, eight of whom were brought to Goguryeo. This gesture is considered by some historians as an effort to pacify Tang and buy time to prepare for the Tang invasion Yeon thought inevitable given his ambitions to annex Silla Korea.

In 645, Emperor Taizong, who had a personal ambition to defeat Goguryeo and was determined to succeed where Emperor Yang had failed, personally led an attack on Goguryeo. The Tang army captured a number of Goguryeo fortresses, including the important Yodong/Liaodong Fortress (辽东城, in modern Liaoyang, Liaoning), and defeated large Goguryeo armies in its path. Ansi City (in modern Haicheng, Liaoning) was the last fortress that would clear the Liaodong Peninsula of significant defensive works and was promptly put under siege. However, the capable defense put up by Ansi's commanding general (whose name is controversial but traditionally is believed to be Yang Manchun) stymied Tang forces and, in late fall, with winter fast approaching and his supplies running low, Emperor Taizong withdrew. The campaign was unsuccessful for the Tang Chinese, failing to capture Ansi Fortress after a protracted siege that lasted more than 60 days. Emperor Taizong invaded Goguryeo again in 647 and 648, but was defeated both times.

Emperor Taizong prepared another invasion in 649, but died in the summer, possibly due to an illness he contracted during his Korean campaigns. His son Emperor Gaozong continued his campaigns. Upon the suggestion of Kim Chunchu, the Silla–Tang alliance first conquered Baekje in 660 to break up the Goguryeo–Baekje alliance, and then turned its full attention to Goguryeo. However, Emperor Gaozong, too, was unable to defeat Goguryeo led by Yeon Gaesomun; one of Yeon Gaesomun's most notable victories came in 662 at the Battle of Sasu (蛇水), where he annihilated the Tang forces and killed the invading general Pang Xiaotai (庞孝泰) and all 13 of his sons. Therefore, while Yeon Gaesomun was alive, Tang could not defeat Goguryeo.

Fall

In the summer of 666, Yeon Gaesomun died of a natural cause and Goguryeo was thrown into chaos and weakened by a succession struggle among his sons and younger brother. He was initially succeeded as Dae Mangniji, the highest position newly made under the ruling period of Yeon Gaesomun, by his oldest son Yeon Namsaeng. As Yeon Namsaeng subsequently carried out a tour of Goguryeo territory, however, rumors began to spread both that Yeon Namsaeng was going to kill his younger brothers Yeon Namgeon and Yeon Namsan, whom he had left in charge at Pyongyang, and that Yeon Namgeon and Yeon Namsan were planning to rebel against Yeon Namsaeng. When Yeon Namsaeng subsequently sent officials close to him back to Pyongyang to try to spy on the situation, Yeon Namgeon arrested them and declared himself Dae Mangniji, attacking his brother. Yeon Namsaeng sent his son Cheon Heonseong (泉献诚), as Yeon Namsaeng changed his family name from Yeon (渊) to Cheon (泉) observe naming taboo for Emperor Gaozu, to Tang to seek aid. Emperor Gaozong saw this as an opportunity and sent an army to attack and destroy Goguryeo. In the middle of Goguryeo's power struggles between Yeon Gaesomun's successors, his younger brother, Yeon Jeongto, defected to the Silla side.

In 667, the Chinese army crossed the Liao River and captured Shin/Xin Fortress (新城, in modern Fushun, Liaoning). The Tang forces thereafter fought off counterattacks by Yeon Namgeon, and joined forces with and received every possible assistance from the defector Yeon Namsaeng, although they were initially unable to cross the Yalu River due to resistance. In spring of 668, Li Ji turned his attention to Goguryeo's northern cities, capturing the important city of Buyeo (扶馀, in modern Nong'an, Jilin). In fall of 668, he crossed the Yalu River and put Pyongyang under siege in concert with the Silla army.

Yeon Namsan and Bojang surrendered, and while Yeon Namgeon continued to resist in the inner city, his general, the Buddhist monk Shin Seong (信诚) turned against him and surrendered the inner city to Tang forces. Yeon Namgeon tried to commit suicide, but was seized and treated. This was the end of Goguryeo, and Tang annexed Goguryeo into its territory, with Xue Rengui being put initially in charge of former Goguryeo territory as protector general. The violent dissension resulting from Yeon Gaesomun's death proved to be the primary reason for the Tang–Silla triumph, thanks to the division, defections, and widespread demoralization it caused. The alliance with Silla had also proved to be invaluable, thanks to the ability to attack Goguryeo from opposite directions, and both military and logistical aid from Silla. The Tang established the Andong Protectorate on former Goguryeo lands after the latter's fall.

However, there was much resistance to Tang rule (fanned by Silla, which was displeased that Tang did not give it Goguryeo or Baekje's territory), and in 669, following Emperor Gaozong's order, a part of the Goguryeo people were forced to move to the region between the Yangtze River and the Huai River, as well as the regions south of the Qinling Mountains and west of Chang'an, only leaving old and weak inhabitants in the original land. Some people entered the service of the Tang government, such as Go Sagye and his son Gao Xianzhi (Go Seonji in Korean), the famed general who commanded the Tang forces at the Battle of Talas.

Silla thus unified most of the Korean peninsula in 668, but the kingdom's reliance on China's Tang Dynasty had its price. Tang set up the Protectorate General to Pacify the East, governed by Xue Rengui, but faced increasing problems ruling the former inhabitants of Goguryeo, as well as Silla's resistance to Tang's remaining presence on the Korean Peninsula. Silla had to forcibly resist the imposition of Chinese rule over the entire peninsula, which lead to the Silla–Tang Wars, but their own strength did not extend beyond the Taedong River.

Revival movements

After the fall of Goguryeo in 668, many Goguryeo people rebelled against the Tang and Silla by starting Goguryeo revival movements. Among these were Geom Mojam, Dae Jung-sang, and several famous generals. The Tang Dynasty tried but failed to establish several commanderies to rule over the area.

In 677, Tang crowned Bojang as the "King of Joseon" and put him in charge of the Liaodong commandery of the Protectorate General to Pacify the East. However, Bojang continued to foment rebellions against Tang in an attempt to revive Goguryeo, organizing Goguryeo refugees and allying with the Mohe tribes. He was eventually exiled to Sichuan in 681, and died the following year.

The Protectorate General to Pacify the East was installed by the Tang government to rule and keep control over the former territories of the fallen Goguryeo. It was first put under the control of Tang General Xue Rengui, but was later replaced by Bojang due to the negative responses of the Goguryeo people. Bojang was sent into exile for assisting Goguryeo revival movements, but was succeeded by his descendants. Bojang's descendants declared independence from Tang during the same period as the An Lushan Rebellion and Li Zhengji (Yi Jeong-gi in Korean)'s rebellion in Shandong. The Protectorate General to Pacify the East was renamed "Little Goguryeo" until its eventual absorption into Balhae under the reign of Seon.

Geom Mojam and Anseung rose briefly at the Han Fortress (한성, 汉城, in modern Chaeryong, South Hwanghae), but failed, when Anseung surrendered to Silla. Go Anseung ordered the assassination of Geom Mojam, and defected to Silla, where he was given a small amount of land to rule over. There, Anseung established the State of Bodeok (보덕, 报德), incited a rebellion, which was promptly crushed by Sinmun. Anseung was then forced to reside in the Silla capital, given a Silla bride and had to adopt the Silla Royal surname of "Kim."

Dae Jung-sang and his son Dae Jo-yeong, either a former Goguryeo general or a Mohe chief, regained most of Goguryeo's northern land after its downfall in 668, established the Kingdom of Jin (진, 震), which was renamed to Balhae after 713. To the south of Balhae, Silla controlled the Korean peninsula south of the Taedong River, and Manchuria (present-day northeastern China) was conquered by Balhae. Balhae considered itself (particularly in diplomatic correspondence with Japan) a successor state of Goguryeo.

In 901, the general Gung Ye rebelled against Later Silla and founded Later Goguryeo (renamed to Taebong in 911), which considered itself to be a successor of Goguryeo. Later Goguryeo originated in the northern regions, including Songak (modern Kaesong), which were the strongholds of Goguryeo refugees. Later Goguryeo's original capital was established in Songak, the hometown of Wang Geon, a prominent general under Gung Ye. Wang Geon was a descendant of Goguryeo and traced his ancestry to a noble Goguryeo clan. In 918, Wang Geon overthrew Gung Ye and established Goryeo, as the successor of Goguryeo, and laid claim to Manchuria as Goryeo's rightful legacy. Wang Geon unified the Later Three Kingdoms in 936, and Goryeo ruled the Korean Peninsula until 1392.

In the 10th century, Balhae collapsed and much of its ruling class and the last crown prince Dae Gwang-hyeon fled to Goryeo. The Balhae refugees were warmly welcomed and included in the ruling family by Wang Geon, who felt a strong familial kinship with Balhae, thus unifying the two successor nations of Goguryeo.

Military

Goguryeo was a highly militaristic state. Goguryeo has been described as an empire by Korean scholars. Initially, there were four partially autonomous districts based on the cardinal directions, and a central district led by the monarch; however, in the first century the cardinal districts became centralized and administrated by the central district, and by the end of the 3rd century, they lost all political and military authority to the monarch. In the 4th century, after suffering defeats against the Xianbei and Baekje during the reign of Gogukwon, Sosurim instituted military reforms that paved the way for Gwanggaeto's conquests. During its height, Goguryeo was able to mobilize 300,000 troops. Goguryeo often enlisted semi-nomadic vassals, such as the Mohe people, as foot soldiers. Every man in Goguryeo was required to serve in the military, or could avoid conscription by paying extra grain tax. A Tang treatise of 668 records a total of 675,000 displaced personnel and 176 military garrisons after the surrender of Bojang.

Equipment

The main projectile weapon used in Goguryeo was the bow. The bows were modified to be more composite and increase throwing ability on par with crossbows. To a lesser extent, stone-throwing machines and crossbows were also used. Polearms, used against the cavalry and in open order, were mostly spears. Two types of swords were used by Goguryeo warriors. The first was a shorter double-edged variant mostly used for throwing. The other was longer single-edged sword with minimal hilt and ring pommel, of eastern Han influence. The helmets were similar to helmets used by Central Asian peoples, decorated with wings, leathers and horsetails. The shield was the main protection, which covered most of the soldier's body. The cavalry were called Gaemamusa (개마무사, 铠马武士), and similar in type to the Cataphract.

Hwandudaedo

Goguryeo used a sword called Hwandudaedo. It looks like the sword drawing in the following picture which is 2000 years old from an old Goguryeo tomb. As Korean swords changed from Bronze Age to Iron Age, the sword shapes changed. There are many archaeological finds on ancient Korean iron swords particularly the swords with a ring at the end.

Fortifications

The most common form of the Goguryeo fortress was one made in the shape of the moon, located between a river and its tributary. Ditches and ground walls between the shores formed an extra defense line. The walls were extensive in their length, and they were constructed from huge stone blocks fixed with clay, and even Chinese artillery had difficulty to break through them. Walls were surrounded by a ditch to prevent an underground attack, and equipped with guard towers. All fortresses had sources of water and enough equipment for a protracted siege. If rivers and mountains were absent, extra defense lines were added.

Organization

Two hunts per year, led by the king himself, maneuvers exercises, hunt-maneuvers and parades were conducted to give the Goguryeo soldier a high level of individual training.

There were five armies in the capital, mostly cavalry that were personally led by the king, numbering approximately 12,500. Military units varied in number from 21,000 to 36,000 soldiers, were located in the provinces, and were led by the governors. Military colonies near the boundaries consisted mostly of soldiers and peasants. There were also private armies held by aristocrats. This system allowed Goguryeo to maintain and utilize an army of 50,000 without added expense, and 300,000 through large mobilization in special cases.

Goguryeo units were divided according to major weapons: spearmen, axemen, archers composed of those on foot and horseback, and heavy cavalry that included armored and heavy spear divisions. Other groups like the catapult units, wall-climbers, and storm units were part of the special units and were added to the common. The advantage of this functional division is highly specialized combat units, while the disadvantage is that it was impossible for one unit to make complex, tactical actions.

Strategy

The military formation had the general and his staff with guards in the middle of the army. The archers were defended by axemen. In front of the general were the main infantry forces, and on the flanks were rows of heavy cavalry ready to counterattack in case of a flank attack by the enemy. In the very front and rear was the light cavalry, used for intelligence, pursuit, and for weakening the enemy's strike. Around the main troops were small groups of heavy cavalrymen and infantry. Each unit was prepared to defend the other by providing mutual support.

Goguryeo implemented a strategy of active defense based on cities. Besides the walled cities and fortified camps, this active defense system used small units of light cavalry to continuously harass the enemy, de-blockade units and strong reserves, consisting of the best soldiers, to strike hard at the end.

Goguryeo also employed military intelligence and special tactics as an important part of the strategy. Goguryeo was good at disinformation, such as sending only stone spearheads as tribute to the Chinese court when they were in the Iron Age. Goguryeo had developed its system of espionage. One of the most famous spies, Baekseok, mentioned in the Samguk yusa, was able to infiltrate the Hwarangs of Silla.

Foreign relations

The militaristic nature of Goguryeo frequently drew them into conflicts with the dynasties of China. In the times when they are not in war with China, Goguryeo occasionally sent tributes to some of the Chinese dynasties as a form of trade and nonaggression pact. These activities of exchange promoted cultural and religious flow from China into the Korean peninsula. Goguryeo has also received tribute from other Korean kingdoms and neighboring tribal states, and frequently mobilized Malgal people in their military. Baekje and Goguryeo maintained their regional rivalry throughout their history, although they eventually formed an alliance in their wars against Silla and Tang.

Culture

Goguryeo roof-tile

The culture of Goguryeo was shaped by its climate, religion, and the tense society that people dealt with due to the numerous wars Goguryeo waged. Not much is known about Goguryeo culture, as many records have been lost.

Goguryeo Tombs

The tombs of Goguryeo display the prosperity and artistry of the kingdom of the period. The murals inside many of the tombs are significant evidence of Goguryeo's lifestyle, ceremonies, warfare and architecture. Mostly tombs were founded in Ji'an in China's Jilin province, Taedong river basin near Pyongyang, North Korea and the Anak area in South Hwanghae province of North Korea. There are over 10,000 Goguryeo tombs overall, but only about 90 of those unearthed in China and North Korea have wall paintings. In 2004, Capital Cities and Tombs of the Ancient Koguryo Kingdom located in Ji'an of Jilin Province of China and Complex of Koguryo Tombs located in North Korea became a UNESCO World Heritage Site.

Lifestyle

The inhabitants of Goguryeo wore a predecessor of the modern hanbok, just as the other cultures of the three kingdoms. There are murals and artifacts that depict dancers wearing elaborate white dresses.

Festivals and pastimes

Common pastimes among Goguryeo people were drinking, singing, or dancing. Games such as wrestling attracted curious spectators.

Every October, the Dongmaeng Festival was held. The Dongmaeng Festival was practiced to worship the gods. The ceremonies were followed by huge celebratory feasts, games, and other activities. Often, the king performed rites to his ancestors.

Hunting was a male activity and also served as an appropriate means to train young men for the military. Hunting parties rode on horses and hunted deer and other game with bows-and-arrows. Archery contests also occurred.

Religion

Goguryeo people worshipped ancestors and considered them to be supernatural. Jumong, the founder of Goguryeo, was worshipped and respected among the people. There was even a temple in Pyongyang dedicated to Jumong. At the annual Dongmaeng Festival, a religious rite was performed for Jumong, ancestors, and gods.

Mythical beasts and animals were also considered to be sacred in Goguryeo. The Fenghuang and Loong were both worshipped, while the Sanzuwu, the three-legged crow that represented the sun, was considered the most powerful of the three. Paintings of mythical beasts exist in Goguryeo king tombs today.

They also believed in the 'Sasin', which were 4 mythical animals. Chungryong or Chunryonga (blue dragon) guarded the east, baek-ho (white tiger) guarded the west, jujak (red phoenix (bird)) guarded the south, and hyunmu (black turtle, sometimes with snakes for a tail) guarded the north.

Buddhism was first introduced to Goguryeo in 372. The government recognized and encouraged the teachings of Buddhism and many monasteries and shrines were created during Goguryeo's rule, making Goguryeo the first kingdom in the region to adopt Buddhism. However, Buddhism was much more popular in Silla and Baekje, which Goguryeo passed Buddhism to.

Buddhism, a religion originating in what is now India, was transmitted to Korea via China in the late 4th century. The Samguk yusa records the following 3 monks among first to bring the Buddhist teaching, or Dharma, to Korea: Malananta (late 4th century) - an Indian Buddhist monk who brought Buddhism to Baekje in the southern Korean peninsula, Sundo - a Chinese monk who brought Buddhism to Goguryeo in northern Korea, and Ado monk who brought Buddhism to Silla in central Korea.

Cultural linkage

The Chinese culture heavily influenced the Goguryeo civilisation. Goguryeo's original religions appear to have been shamanistic, but they were increasingly influenced by Chinese culture, particularly Confucianism and Taoism. In the 4th century, Buddhism was introduced to the peninsula and spread rapidly, briefly becoming the official religion of all three kingdoms. Explored Goguryeo relics such as the mural of Nuwa and Fuxi, Three-legged bird and the Azure Dragon, Vermilion Bird, White Tiger, and Black Tortoise of the Four Symbols, totem of Fenghuang, were derived from ancient Chinese culture and mythology.

All Three Kingdoms of Korea shared a similar culture and language. Their writing system was based on the Chinese characters, however the language was different from Chinese and not mutually intelligible with Chinese.

Goguryeo art, preserved largely in tomb paintings, is noted for the vigour of its imagery. Fine detail can be seen in Goguryeo tombs and other murals. Many of the art pieces have an original style of painting.

Cultural legacies of Goguryeo may be found in modern Korean culture, for example: Korean fortress, ssireum, taekkyeon, Korean dance, ondol (Goguryeo's floor heating system) and the hanbok.

Cultural legacies of Goguryeo can also be found in China, for example, the Capital Cities and Tombs of the Ancient Koguryo Kingdom is located in Jilin, China.

Legacy

Remains of walled towns, fortresses, palaces, tombs, and artifacts have been found in North Korea and Manchuria, including ancient paintings in a Goguryeo tomb complex in Pyongyang. Some ruins are also still visible in present-day China, for example at Wunü Mountain, suspected to be the site of Jolbon fortress, near Huanren in Liaoning province on the present border with North Korea. Ji'an is also home to a large collection of Goguryeo era tombs, including what Chinese scholars consider to be the tombs of Gwanggaeto and his son Jangsu, as well as perhaps the best-known Goguryeo artifact, the Gwanggaeto Stele, which is one of the primary sources for pre-5th-century Goguryeo history.

World Heritage Site

UNESCO added Capital Cities and Tombs of the Ancient Koguryo Kingdom in present-day China and Complex of Koguryo Tombs in present-day North Korea to the World Heritage Sites in 2004.

Name

The modern English name "Korea" derives from Goryeo (also spelled as Koryŏ) (918–1392), which regarded itself as the legitimate successor of Goguryeo. The name Goryeo was first used during the reign of Jangsu in the 5th century. Goguryeo is also referred to as Goryeo after 520 AD in Chinese and Japanese historical and diplomatic sources.

Language

There have been some academic attempts to reconstruct the Goguryeo words based on the fragments of toponyms, recorded in the Samguk sagi, of the areas once possessed by Goguryeo. However, the reliability of the toponyms as linguistic evidence is still in dispute. Most linguistic experts on Goguryeo agree that Goguryeo was a member of the Koreanic language family.

Chinese records suggest that the languages of Goguryeo, Buyeo, East Okjeo, and Gojoseon were similar, while they differed from that of the Tungusic-Malgal (Mohe).

Controversies

Goguryeo was viewed as a Korean kingdom in premodern China, but in modern times, there is a dispute between China and Korea over whether Goguryeo can be considered part of Chinese history or it is Korean history.

In 2002, Chinese government started a five-year research project on the history and current situation of the frontiers of Northeast China which lasted from 2002 to 2007. It was launched by the Chinese Academy of Social Science (CASS) and received financial support from both the Chinese government and the CASS.

The stated purpose of the Northeast Project was to use authoritative academic research to restore historical facts and protect the stability of Northeast China—a region sometimes known as Manchuria—in the context of the strategic changes that have taken place in Northeast Asia since China's "Reform and Opening" started in 1978. Two of the project's leaders accused some foreign scholars and institutions of rewriting history to demand territory from China or to promote instability in the frontier regions, hence the necessity of the Project.

The Project has been criticized for applying the contemporary vision of China as a "unified multiethnic state" to ancient ethnic groups, states and history of the region of Manchuria and northern Korea. According to this idea, there was a greater Chinese state in the ancient past. Accordingly, any pre-modern people or state that occupied any part of what is now the People's Republic of China is defined as having been part of Chinese history.

Due to its claims on Gojoseon, Goguryeo and Balhae, the project sparked disputes with Korea. In 2004, this dispute threatened to lead to diplomatic disputes between the People's Republic of China and South Korea, although all governments involved seem to exhibit no desire to see the issue damage relations.

In 2004, the Chinese government made a diplomatic compromise, pledging not to place claims to the history of Goguyreo in its history textbooks. However, online discussion regarding this topic among the general public has since increased. The Internet has provided a platform for a broadening participation in the discussion of Goguryeo in both South Korea and China. Thomas Chase points out that despite the growing online discussion on this subject, this has not led to a more objective treatment of this history, nor a more critical evaluation of its relationship to national identity.